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The President The White House Washington, DC 20500 Dear Mr. President: We write because we share the view that it is essential to bring Saddam Hussein's dictatorship in Iraq to an early end. Broad and bi-partisan support at home -- not simply passive assent -- must be sought for this objective. It is a deeply serious undertaking, with great risks, heavy costs and long-lasting responsibilities. Steps are also needed to respond to misconceptions abroad about the underlying causes of this conflict and your purposes that feed an ugly anti-Americanism. We must act alone if that proves necessary, but first we must do all we can to win allies. We believe you can now alter the course of this debate by making a clear and specific statement about your plans for helping to lay a foundation for representative government, freedom of speech, human rights and the rule of law in Iraq. Time and again, the commitment to human rights and democracy has been the saving grace of American foreign policy. The legal and procedural issues now before the United Nations are immensely important. The threat Iraq and its weapons pose to us and to others is truly grave. But attention to these matters must not allow us to lose sight of the vast and continuing cruelty of Saddam Hussein's rule, or the possibilities that will be created by his departure. Inadequate concern for the plight of the people of Iraq and for their future has diminished debate about Iraq here and, even more so, abroad. Many here and abroad who question the wisdom of going to war nevertheless acknowledge that the Iraqi dictator is among the most oppressive and vicious rulers of our time. A Special Rapporteur for the United Nations Human Rights Commission has described his abuses as “the worst since World War II.” For many years Freedom House has rated Saddam Hussein's regime as among "the worst of the worst" violators of political and civil rights, and Human Rights Watch has called for his trial for crimes against humanity. After the Balkan catastrophes, it is widely acknowledged that war criminals should not be granted the immunities traditionally enjoyed by heads of sovereign states. Many in your Administration are clearly committed to helping establish democracy in Iraq. But some at times have questioned the value of such “nation building,” have shown reluctance to make far-reaching international commitments, or have been hesitant about steps that may unsettle traditional allies. So far, your Administration's plans for American political and humanitarian assistance to post-war Iraq leave some significant uncertainties. The budget just passed by Congress includes little money for the substantial reconstruction effort that will almost surely be needed. Nor is it likely that such costs will be paid unless those asked to shoulder them can see that they are fairly shared. There are those who fear that “regime change" in Iraq may not mean that a new regime will necessarily be a free and democratic one. There are those who fear that once we have satisfied our own security concerns, we will become indifferent to the security needs of those in Iraq and elsewhere in the region who have helped us. You can challenge these doubts and appeal to those who abhor Saddam Hussein by announcing a plan to help establish freedom and democratic self-government in Iraq. In our view, such a strategy should commit the United States to: We believe that a significant body of opinion can be persuaded of the view argued by Prime Minister Tony Blair: "Ridding the world of Saddam would be an act of humanity." A clear statement of your plan for supporting democracy and human rights in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East will help us all reach out to those who are open to this truth. Sincerely,
Bernard Aronson, Former Assistant Secretary of State Mark Falcoff, American Enterprise Institute John J. Flynn, President, International Union of Bricklayers and Allied Craftworkers, AFL-CIO
David Forte, Professor of Law, Cleveland State University
Allen Hertzke, Presidential Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Oklahoma
Sarah Lohmann, Fulbright Scholar
Joshua Muravchik, Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute Juliana Geran Pilon, Institute of World Politics Diane Ravitch, New York University Richard Schifter, Former Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights Nina Shea, Director, Center for Religious Freedom, Freedom House Fred Siegel, Senior Fellow, Progressive Policy Institute; Professor, Cooper Union for Science and Art R. Emmett Tyrrell, Editor-in-Chief, American Spectator; Adjunct Fellow, Hudson Institute Ben Wattenberg, Senior Fellow, American Enterprise Institute The Very Rev. George L.W. Werner, President, House of Deputies, The Episcopal Church, U.S.A. Leon Wieseltier, Literary Editor, The New Republic Jennifer Windsor
Morely Winograd
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