
To social democrats, man is a maker. Productive work is central
to human dignity and happiness. Yet in America steady work at
decent wages is in danger of becoming something beyond the reach
of many of our citizens. But, paradoxically, the very forces that
threaten many with unemployment and economic disruption are also
cause for great optimism: human beings may now be liberated from
much of the dirt and danger and drudgery of the workplace. We
are undergoing a "new industrial revolution" -- comparable
to the large-scale manufacturing revolution that began transforming
the world two centuries ago, and that gave birth to the mode of
industrial production associated with Henry Ford. This new stage
of economic development involves a shift to new productive processes,
the emergence of new service industries, a vast extension and
refinement of the international division of labor, the globalization
of commerce, investment, information and know-how, and an intensification
of the competition for markets.
In this new industrial revolution, no single country has taken
the leading role, the way England did in the first industrial
revolution. The United States, while inventing much of the technology
of this revolution, has often fallen behind in the decisive area
of production. Production has become international. The car you
purchased last month in Pittsburgh may well have been financed
in Japan, designed in Detroit, manufactured in ten countries as
far apart as Malaysia and Germany and assembled in Mexico. Goods,
capital, information and services, even whole factories, whisk
around the globe at breathtaking speed, in a market increasingly
dominated by vast multinational enterprises, international financial
institutions and speculators.
Today multinational corporations, the driving force of globalization,
employ some 10% of American manufacturing workers. US- owned multinationals
overseas employ legions of foreign workers. These corporations
are increasingly free to locate wherever they wish. This new industrial
revolution is also transforming the shop floor. Assisted by robots,
computers and high-speed telecommunications, teams of well-trained
workers adapt versatile machinery to rapidly changing product
specifications. Similar transformations are increasingly evident
in the commercial and service sectors.
The most important aspect of this process is not new technology,
but the new social relations that develop in the workplace. Rote,
physical labor is being replied by labor which is more mental,
flexible and cooperative. The 21st Century worker will not need
physical strength and "factory discipline" as much as
the capacity for analysis, judgment and cooperation. In effect,
the new workers are becoming managers in a much more sophisticated
production system.
Although our country remains wealthy, inventive and productive
-- there is no reason to exaggerate its economic woes -- the trends
we describe are drawing away or even eliminating large numbers
of our jobs: jobs that supported communities and institutions
that in turn have sustained our democratic way of life.
Between January, 1979 and November, 1992, the United States lost
3 million manufacturing jobs, or 14% of its total manufacturing
jobs. One million are laid off each year as a result of plant
closings or downswing. Wages of production workers as a percentage
of gross national product declined from 11.6% in 1949 to 4.6%
in 1990. Factory closings produced income shifts: a December,
1992 Congressional Budget Office study affirms that 94% of all
gains in real, after tax income of all American families between
1977 and 1989 went to the most affluent 20% of families, with
60% of the gains concentrated among the top 1%. In that same period
the average pre-tax income of families in the top 1% grew by 77%,
while that of the bottom 40% declined 10%.
Although many in our corporate and financial elites belittle the
loss of our manufacturing capabilities, we believe that over time
that view will prove to have been terribly short-sighted. Once
these industries are lost, it becomes difficult for our country
ever to re-enter manufacturing competition -- with the loss of
manufacturing we lose job skills, technological know-how, marketing
knowledge and an array of suppliers and support services that
are part of the warp and woof of our economy. If we do not respond
to these trends, we face misery for the many, and prosperity only
for a favored few.
Nor, in our concern about the effects of the new industrial revolution,
can we lose sight of the personal, social and economic fate of
the many Americans who never even were touched by the first industrial
revolution. Our concern must not only be to protect those now
threatened by economic change, but to engage those who have long
been left out of the productive economy.
Copyright: 1995, SD, USA
SOCIAL DEMOCRATS, USA
WHY AMERICA NEEDS A SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT
II. The New Industrial Revolution
Social Democrats, USA
815 15th Street, NW Suite 511
Washington, DC 2005